No charisma and too honest. Europe and the wider world topic 3: Dictatorship and democracy in Europe, Church-State relations in Italy and Germany, Mussolini’s internal and external policies, Mussolini’s rise and consolidation of power, Europe and the wider world topic 5: European retreat from empire and the aftermath, Ireland topic 2: Movements for social and political reform, Ireland topic 3: The pursuit of sovereignty and the impact of partition, Cumann na nGaedheal governments, 1923-1932, Ireland topic 5: Politics and society in Northern Ireland, What you need to be studying for the leaving cert. It may have been a bittersweet moment for Cumann na nGaedheal; it was in power since 1922 but recognised that a real, democratic mandate had … This party set up a 26-county parliament assembling in Leinster House, with an oath of loyalty to the king of England a requirement of entry, and formed a government. The second Cumann na nGaedheal did not come into existence until more than a year later, on 27 April 1923 when the pro-Treaty TDs recognised the need for a party organisation to win elections. To correct this neglect, Meehan ‘seeks to evaluate the party and locate its place in Irish history’ (p. xi). As a result the party ‘has remained something of an enigma’ (p. xi). After 1932, Irish democracy was maintained and consolidated at a time that democracy was weakening in most of the world. The Cosgrave Party also focuses on image-building within Ireland, briefly discussing such initiatives as the Shannon Scheme, the creation of the 2RN broadcasting station, and O’Higgins’ attempts to control the liquor trade. Sinn Fein did better than expected but adopted the abstentionist policy. Meehan also devotes a significant amount of space to what she terms the party’s ‘identity-building and image projection’ (p. 44). Cumann na nGaedheal also played the "red card" tactic, describing Fianna Fáil as communists and likening Éamon de Valera to Joseph Stalin. Other articles where Cumann na nGaedheal is discussed: William Thomas Cosgrave: …helped found the political party Cumann na nGaedheal (“Party of the Irish”) in April 1923 and became its leader—represented Ireland at the Imperial Conference in October 1923. The narrative proceeds logically and each chapter discusses a key flashpoint in the consolidation of the Irish democracy: the events leading up to and following the signing of the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, Cumann na nGaedheal’s early achievements in government between 1923-6, the 1927 elections, the last years of Cumann na nGaedheal in government between 1927-32 and the impact of the Great Depression, the 1932 election, and the challenges to democracy in … Despite these setbacks and frailties, the party remained dynamic. She sees the positioning of an active and vigorous Fianna Fáil against a listless and moribund Cumann na nGaedheal as too simplistic, and instead asserts that Cumann na nGaedheal’s election campaigns were professional and clever, and that while the message may have lagged a bit – particularly in 1932 when the electorate rejected the party’s Treaty-centered and backward-looking approach – different media were used skillfully to the party’s advantage. For example, the Army Mutiny of 1924 – which Meehan oddly refers to as a ‘relatively minor’ split – is given less space than the defection of J. J. Walsh in 1927, and slightly more space than the creation of a Dublin radio station. It was not until the civil war was virtually over that pro-Treaty Sinn Féin deputies who supported the Cosgrave government established Cumann na nGaedheal on the 27 th of April 1923. Fianna Fáil would be the largest party in Dáil Éireann at every general election until 2011. Mergers with the Farmers’ Party repeatedly failed, as did the initial outreach to the National League and talks of cooperation with the Labour Party in the wake of O’Higgins’ murder. Having first been government ministers, these men failed to transform themselves into party leaders. What steps did Irish Governments take to consolidate democracy, 1923-1945 (When Cumann na nGael came to power in 1923, they quickly set about consolidating democracy in Ireland. Cumann na nGaedhael. Work done by the firm O’Kennedy-Brindley for the September 1927 campaign resulted in electoral gains for Cumann na nGaedheal and an international advertising award for O’Kennedy-Brindley. The party brought stability following the chaos of the Irish Civil War, and provided honest government., and provided honest government. The ‘distance between the grass roots and the TDs’ played a role in weakening the party organization, a development which had a ‘lasting impact’ (p. 14). References to secondary sources are scattered throughout the chapters, but generally without engagement with their methodologies or broader arguments. That argument would have dovetailed nicely with Meehan’s emphasis on the fact that state formation preceded party formation, but, again, it is not developed in The Cosgrave Party. The most important of these was the consolidation of democracy in the new state. In fact, the party generally had more defections than Fianna Fáil, and also frequently failed to reach agreement with outside entities. Unlike most political parties, which are created in order to win power, Cumann na nGaedheal came into existence after the state, and was built by men who were already in power. Nevertheless, Meehan admits that, at least in 1933, ‘Fianna Fáil’s organizational efficiency ultimately trumped Cumann na nGaedheal’s electioneering ingenuity’ (p. 206). Cumann na nGaedheal, 1922-32 Fianna Fáil, 1932-39 Case Study: The Eucharistic Congress, 1932 Ireland During World War II and After, 1939-49 Northern Ireland: The Unionists in … Meehan does not paper over Cumann na nGaedheal’s evident problems, but argues they were largely caused by the unusual circumstances surrounding its creation. In the first decade, Irish democracy survived against the odds because Cumann Na nGaedheal successfully met the challenges that the new state faced (sometimes extremely ruthlessly). Meehan starts from the premise that Cumann na nGaedheal has yet to receive its just due from historians, who have ‘largely neglected’ the party (p. xi), or focused excessively on its failures and decline. An analysis of elections reveals the party’s ‘professional side’, and its combativeness. Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in: You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Moreover, another challenge which the Cumann Na nGaedheal government overcame in consolidating democracy was dealing with the army. The Civil War had not yet ended and a large military contingent protected the ministers and deputies among the 150 delegates present. The motive for this disinterest, according to Meehan, was that the leaders of Cumann na nGaedheal genuinely put the interests of the state before those of their own party. Meehan repeats the oft-stated view that Cosgrave’s role was that of a ‘mediator between the various groups in his party’ (p. 19) and she sees the Cabinet as divided into ‘Irish-Ireland’ and ‘Imperial’ factions, with Cosgrave apparently able to keep these disparate groups pointed toward a common goal. Fianna Fáil was growing its support by moving leftward whereas Cumann na nGaedheal had stagnated through consolidating the right. Whilst Cumann na nGaedheal’s laissez-fair policies worked well in the context of the 1920s, the international Great Depression made Fianna Fáil’s protectionism all the more respectable. #625Lab – History, marked 72/100, detailed feedback at the very bottom.You may also like: Leaving Cert History Guide (€). Cosgrave apparently made a number of key decisions alone, including his savvy decision to call a snap election in September 1927. For example, Cumann na nGaedheal was the first Irish party to hire an advertising agency to produce election propaganda. As it stands, the book seems at times to be an amalgam of a thesis-driven work on electioneering and an encyclopedic (and far less detailed) compendium of other government activities, a factor which leads to some awkward transitions and jumps. Throughout, Meehan sharply argues that Cumann na nGaedheal did not just collapse under the assault of a finely-honed Fianna Fáil election machine. From Cumann na nGaedheal to Fine Gael Eoin O’Dully inspects some Blueshirts, 1933. The second Cumann na nGaedheal did not come into existence until more than a year later, on 27 April 1923 when the pro-Treaty TDs recognised the need for a party organisation to win elections. The ESB totally transformed living and working conditions. The second Cumann na nGaedheal did not come into existence until more than a year later, on 27 April 1923 when the pro-Treaty TDs recognised the need for a party organisation to win elections. First and foremost, Meehan’s focus on Cumann na nGaedheal electioneering is original and path-breaking. Even with this welcome attention to Cosgrave, Meehan struggles to answer two of the most important questions about him: why he stayed in power and where he stood on many of the major issues facing the regime. Meehan asserts that free-trader J. J. Walsh probably opposed Cosgrave on tariff policy, citing Liam de Roiste’s diary, but there is little direct evidence of Cosgrave’s personal views on economic policy. Cumann na nGaedheal was the name of the antecedent nationalist umbrella organisation to Sinn Féin formed in 1900 (see Cumann na nGaedheal (1900)). Cumann na nGaedheal was the name of the antecedent nationalist umbrella organisation to Sinn Féin formed in 1900 (see Cumann na nGaedheal (1900)). Cumann na nGaedheal was the name of the antecedent nationalist umbrella organisation to Sinn Féin formed in 1900 (see Cumann na nGaedheal (1900)). The first thing that W.T. For one, ‘moderate’ and/or ‘constitutional’ nationalism are never really defined in the Irish context. ( Log Out / As one example, it is not immediately clear how the creation of the radio station affected the party, as opposed to the state. The author accepts this review and does not wish to comment further. Meehan refers to John Regan’s The Irish Counter-Revolution as ‘the only existing study,’ but other than a perfunctory dismissal of Regan’s book as having ‘a narrow focus on Cumann na nGaedheal’s role in consolidating the Irish revolution’, there is not much substantial discussion of existing works (p. xv). At times it seems as if Meehan means that Cumann na nGaedheal mimicked the Irish party, and at other times, she seems to mean that moderate nationalism reflected a commitment to parliamentary methods and a renunciation of violence. Consolidation of democracy, 1922-1949; Cultural identity; Cumann na nGaedheal governments, 1923-1932; Éamon de Valera; Fianna Fail Governments, 1932-1948; Northern Ireland; The Anglo-Irish treaty; Ireland topic 5: Politics and society in Northern Ireland. The following chapter explains what happened after 1932. These alone make the book worth reading, and a strong contribution to an under-studied subject. Their real … Meehan also admits that most Cumann na nGaedheal leaders came from Sinn Féin, but there is no real explanation given for their transformation into ‘moderates’ once they achieved power. 8 (The Cumann na nGael government also helped to consolidate democracy by asserting their independence over British rule. At the time, army expenditure was huge and it was too large in size, the army had Sinn Fein did better than expected but adopted the abstentionist policy. History Matters 365 - Coggle: Cumann na nGaedheal in power Cumann na nGaedheal also more aggressively attempted to play the green card in the 1932 election, and, for the first time, focused more on future goals than past achievements in the campaign of 1933. Cumann na nGaedheal was the name of the antecedent nationalist umbrella organisation to Sinn Féin formed in 1900 (see Cumann na nGaedheal (1900)). This strategy confirmed democracy's hold in Ireland; further proof was the effective resistance offered to the Blueshirts, a proto-fascist group of disgruntled Cumann na nGaedheal supporters, who were the main victims of de Valera's "economic war" with Britain over the refusal to continue paying land annuities to the British government. Cumann na nGaedheal was the name of the antecedent nationalist umbrella organisation to Sinn Féin formed in 1900 (see Cumann na nGaedheal (1900)). The title of the book neatly illustrates Meehan’s approach, as she portrays Cumann na nGaedheal as much more under the sway of Cosgrave than previously thought. “I think of our own Government in 1932, when [Cumann na nGaedheal] were in power and the seamless transition from Fianna Fáil, which people … 1! In viewing the 1920s in the round, it is important to stress the success of Cumann na nGaedheal's democratic revolution - the establishment of a liberal democracy … As Meehan notes, ‘when the party’s position was threatened, it would respond to the challenge’ (p. 82). Interested in reviewing for us? Just fill in your details. EIGHTY years ago today, Cumann na nGaedheal (CnaG) had its inaugural public convention in the Mansion House. Party rank-and-file, on the other hand, frequently complained that leaders ignored grass-roots input and concerns. Throughout his career, Cosgrave also inspired a fair amount of loyalty and devotion from party members. Industrial Development was a huge success of the Cumann na nGaedhael Government, as it improved the lives of people in Ireland. The problem is that this criterion is not applied consistently, as the party and the state are confused, or at least conflated, throughout the book. However, the book also suffers from some shortcomings, none of which detract fatally from its overall merit. In sum, this is a great addition to the literature on the 1920s. Enter your email address to follow this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email. Meehan lauds the party for continuing an Irish tradition of ‘moderate nationalism’ (p. xi) – which later in the book is rendered ‘constitutional nationalism’ (p. 91) – through its commitment to solving problems through legislative change, rather than physical struggle. The electoral innovations continued, as Cumann na nGaedheal was the first party to use an airplane, dropping party leaflets over North Dublin during a 1929 by-election. Unsurprisingly Eoin O Duffy changed crowns again and became its president, seconded by A long discussion on finance is interjected in the midst of a section on ‘social and moral consciousness’. This led to a number of instances in which party leaders recklessly pursued unpopular policies perceived to be in the nation’s best interest. Other than a story about the Oath told in later life by Ernest Blythe – that Cosgrave initially feigned refusal to take the Oath so as to make inroads with those in the party hostile to the Oath, and convince them to enter the Dáil – there is not much direct evidence of Cosgrave’s mediating any particular disputes. The Army Mutiny certainly did not end with his mediation, as people on both sides of the dispute ended up angrily resigning. She also frequently reminds readers that Cumann na nGaedheal lost most of its former voters to other Treatyite parties, rather than to Fianna Fáil. … Led by W.T. As a result, Cosgrave retained the respect of his Cabinet colleagues and of the party at large, with even Kevin O’Higgins apparently disavowing any ambition toward party leadership. Labour were the main casualties of the Fianna Fáil electoral advance, declining from 22 seats in June 1927 to just 7 seats in 1932. Consolidation of democracy, 1922-1949; Cultural identity; Cumann na nGaedheal governments, 1923-1932; Éamon de Valera; Fianna Fail Governments, 1932-1948; Northern Ireland; The Anglo-Irish treaty; Ireland topic 5: Politics and society in Northern Ireland. Cumann na nGaedheal regained most of the ground lost in June, winning 62 seats and 39% of the vote, although most of these gains were from potential allies. Labour were the main casualties of the Fianna Fáil electoral advance, declining from 22 seats in June 1927 to just 7 seats in 1932. The Cosgrave Party’s core argument is that Cumann na nGaedheal was active, dynamic and productive, in contrast to the passive and listless party often found in textbooks and monographs. Cumann na nGaedheal had to face a number of issues. Cumann na nGaedheal declined from 38.6 per cent to 35.2 per cent and it lost eight seats. The early history of Sinn Féin is closely associated with Arthur Griffith, leader of Cumann na nGaedheal (“Party of the Irish”). The second Cumann na nGaedheal did not come into existence until more than a year later, on 27 April 1923 when the pro-Treaty TDsrecognised the need for a party organisation to win electi… Change ), You are commenting using your Twitter account. Cumann na nGaedheal, which had been the governing party since 1922, was defeated by Fianna Fáil, which became the largest party in the chamber and formed a government with the support of the Labour Party. Cosgrave and his The Cumann na nGael government also helped to consolidate democracy by asserting their independence over British rule. Its novel focus on electioneering, in particular, should make this book noteworthy to historians of the Irish revolution, and to those interested in 20th-century Irish history more broadly. How did the Irish government contribute to the consolidation of democracy 1922-1932? It would have been helpful if Meehan had summed up the ‘image’ of Ireland that Cumann na nGaedheal wanted to present, as often these initiatives appear disconnected, but the book nevertheless highlights the broad range of nation-building activities sponsored by Cumann na nGaedheal. He appears to have been a stern supporter of law and order, at least in the Dáil, but there were reports that he privately opposed some of the 1922 executions. Following Brian Farrell in characterizing him as a ‘chairman’ rather than a ‘chief’, Meehan praises Cosgrave’s ‘careful judgment in not allying himself to any one group’ (p. 19). The second Cumann na nGaedheal did not come into existence until more than a year later, on 27 April 1923 when the pro-Treaty TDs recognised the need for a party organisation to win elections. Of greater concern is the book’s almost complete lack of engagement with the existing historiography on the 1920s. Similarly, her statement that most historians have seen Cumann na nGaedheal as disappointing and declining by the late 1920s only references John Murphy’s 1975 textbook. From 1922-1928 this position Other than two sudden forays into quantitative analysis – which might best have been left for a separate article, as they added little to the qualitative analysis – Meehan’s work on Cumann na nGaedheal’s electioneering is very impressive, and undermines the standard view that the party was wasting away by the late 1920s. From Cumann na nGaedheal to Fine Gael . In these sections, she details the strong international push for full Irish sovereignty, pursued at the League of Nations and through bilateral and inter-Commonwealth initiatives. There also is a well-done section analyzing Cosgrave’s 1928 trip to North America. The Civil War had not yet ended and a large military contingent protected the ministers and deputies among the 150 delegates present. The transition to power was regarded as a major test of democracy in Ireland – would Cumann na nGaedheal hand over power to their enemies of the civil war? The most important of these was the consolidation of democracy in the new state. They had clear successes, and achieved great acclaim for their vision with projects such as the Shannon Dam. Meehan’s contention that little has been done on Cumann na nGaedheal appears to rest on a statement from a Fine Gael Senator in 2003. Meehan devotes six pages to an analysis of Cosgrave’s leadership style (pp. As far as the subjects covered, the bulk of the book is devoted to analysis of electoral issues, with other subjects peculiarly glossed over. At a meeting in Dublin in October 1902, Cumann na nGaedheal formally adopted Griffith’s policy of “Sinn Féin,” which included passive resistance to the British, withholding of taxes, and the establishment of an Irish ruling council and independent…. The exhibition shows a series of Cumann na nGaedheal posters and fliers mainly taken from the 1932 general election. The social policy of the Cumann na nGaedheal Government was in line with it’s (its) economic policy. At times, Meehan asserts that the book is about the party, not the state, which is her ostensible reason for passing lightly over the Mutiny, as she did not want to discuss ‘the internal workings of a military dispute’, but rather only the ‘political implications for Cumann na nGaedheal’ (p. 39). While there is a connection between financial policy and the government’s social and moral agenda, that connection is not clearly stated in the text. Cumann na ngaedheal Foreign Policy Introduction Following the Treaty Ireland was given the same constitutional status within the British Commonwealth as Canada, Australia etc All members of the FS parliament were to take an Oath of Allegiance while the crown was to be represented in Ireland by a Governor-General. Reviews in History is part of the School of Advanced Study. In response to this act of violence, the state introduced a second Public Saf… More historiographical discussion could have helped to undergird Meehan’s arguments about constitutional nationalism. For a time the British government clung to the illusion that if they took a resolute line against de Valera's demands for changes in the Anglo–Irish settlement, he would soon lose office and Cumann na nGaedheal … Fianna Fáil was able to draw on Cumann Na nGaedheal’s achievements and consolidate democracy, but ironically did so by democratically undermining the Treaty settlement that Cumann Na nGaedheal had spent so much effort In doing so they stabilized Irish democracy at a time when it could have easily fallen back into a state of war. Introduction The pro-treaty elements in Sinn Féin broke away and formed a political party: Cumann na nGaedheal. There is a brief reference to how the ‘financial burden of destruction’ from the revolution and the civil war ‘compromised any possibility of making the lofty aspirations of Sinn Féin’s revolution a reality’, but that argument is never really developed (p. 8). This is perhaps most obvious regarding Meehan’s claim that Cumann na nGaedheal continued the Irish tradition of constitutional or moderate nationalism. 16–22), and asserts that he never relinquished control over his Cabinet, even during his much-maligned absence during the Army crisis of 1924. government, and this helped to consolidate the position of democracy.) As a result, Meehan is left with the notion that Cosgrave remained in power simply for lack of a better alternative, which, while somewhat unsatisfying, is probably as good as explanation as anyone else has offered. Failed to reach agreement with outside entities great addition to the School of Study... An advertising agency to produce election propaganda an under-studied subject something of an enigma (. | how did cumann na ngaedheal consolidate democracy | privacy | Contact Us at 11 a.m. and was attended by some four delegates! 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